OPINION: Republicans start taking directions from Elon Musk
Until last week’s budget debacle, Elon Musk was a warm-up act for President-elect Donald Trump.
Like the many adulatory openers at Trump rallies and Republican gatherings, he amped up the crowd — but strictly in preparation for the main act. While Democrats like to flash star power at events — A-listers, movie stars, and pop icons — in today’s Republican Party, Trump is the star power.
But the rise of Musk as a political figure means that another successful, powerful businessman is potentially poised to eclipse Trump’s voice in the Republican Party, whether he intends to or not.
That’s a problem for Trump, who isn’t exactly used to sharing the limelight. The MAGA movement, as Trump allies describe it, is built around the idea that politicians of all stripes are too blinded by corruption, political complications, and self-interest to serve the needs of the American people. Such a movement necessitates an audacious leader who isn’t afraid to break with the pack and stand out — someone exactly like Trump. His no-holds-barred style of leadership has allowed him to quickly overhaul the Republican Party, elevating loyalists and his favored policies with little regard for pushback from liberals or traditional Republicans.
Musk, the founder of Tesla and SpaceX, owner of X (formerly Twitter), and the world’s richest man, has been one of Trump’s most important allies in spreading that message. His endorsement, his campaigning efforts, his nearly quarter of a billion dollar America PAC, his energizing rally appearances, and even his transformation of X into a “town square” have been vital to spreading Republican messaging. Musk has been a dutiful “First Buddy.”
But he could become more than that, as he revealed last week. Starting early Wednesday morning, a mere series of X posts from Musk helped to derail a bipartisan congressional deal to fund the government and avert a shutdown. That Musk had concerns about a 1,500-page budget bill isn’t the issue here; it’s safe to assume that any impenetrable packet of government spending contains eyebrow-raising allocations.
What is of concern is how Musk seemingly single-handedly hijacked the process — and how Republicans let him. On X, Musk and his sidekick Vivek Ramaswamy praised Republicans who bowed to his opposition of the bill and put on notice those who didn’t. “Any member of the House or Senate who votes for this outrageous spending bill deserves to be voted out in 2 years!” Musk posted early Wednesday afternoon, generating more than 47 million views.
He beat Trump to the punch — or, maybe, pushed the president-elect into action. Twelve hours after Musk’s first post opposing the bill, JD Vance and Trump released a statement condemning the bill. And that evening, Trump posted on Truth Social that “Any Republican that would be so stupid as to do this should, and will, be primaried.”
So Republican leaders dutifully withdrew the bill and replaced it with a slimmed-down alternative that met Musk and Trump’s demands. That bill failed on Thursday. So on Friday, rather than allow the government to shut down, the House voted on and passed a third bill — which looked suspiciously like the initial version with some face-saving changes to placate Musk and Trump — with Democratic votes.
That Musk is using his platform to share his views isn’t an issue. As he often points out, he has made X a public square for many different viewpoints — including many of his own detractors. The problem is that Republicans have allowed Musk to disproportionately sway their leadership.
That’s not necessarily a problem when Musk is advocating for budget cuts and bureaucratic overhaul in his self-conceived Department of Government Efficiency. DOGE will be an extragovernmental advisory board that might have the potential to help trim some federal fat. In this advisory role, an innovator like Musk, along with his cochair Ramaswamy, have the potential to make helpful recommendations unburdened by the political pressures of being in the federal government.
But advisers advise, they don’t direct. Will it be a problem when the new ascendant voice on the right wants to, say, protect his business interests with American adversaries like China? He has many potential conflicts of interest in dictating how the American government should spend and not spend its money. His companies Tesla and SpaceX, for example, have had over $15 billion in government contracts over the past decade.
Musk is doing more than swaying policy. He’s also creating a new line of attack for Democrats who are more than pleased to point out that Republicans’ reimagined “working people’s party” is being led by a billionaire puppeteered by a far richer billionaire. On X, Democrats lined up to highlight “President Musk’s” pull, with Senator Chris Murphy posting about the Trump administration’s “Billionaire First” agenda.
Trump is no stranger to criticisms from the left, nor is he particularly stringent about consistency in his policy positions. Like any good populist, Trump has shown himself willing to adapt to his supporters’ whims.
He might bristle, however, at the prospect of being relegated to an opening act, a mere figurehead for a party driven by someone younger, richer, and more influential. The bristling may have already started. Trump’s transition spokesperson immediately went on the defense: “President Trump is the leader of the Republican Party. Full stop,” Karoline Leavitt said.
And maybe some resistance from Team Trump is for the best. Even if Trump agrees with Musk, an unelected billionaire with a long list of conflicts of interest should not have such a direct line of influence over our government. Trump was elected, he should be making the decisions — not waiting for his rich friend to endorse them before Trump himself has even weighed in.
Republicans are going to have to answer plenty of tough questions about Musk’s influence on their party over the next four years. None might be as difficult as this: Is Trump willing to let Musk steal his show?